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Friday, 24 November 2006 |
By Friedrich August von Hayek  | | | | |
In one sense the question asked in the title of this lecture is purely rhetorical. I hope none of you has suspected me of doubting even for a moment that technically there is no problem in stopping inflation. If the monetary authorities really want to and are prepared to accept the consequences, they can always do so practically overnight. They fully control the base of the pyramid of credit, and a credible announcement that they will not increase the quantity of bank notes in circulation and bank deposits, and, if necessary, even decrease them, will do the trick. About this there is no doubt among economists. What I am concerned about is not the technical but the political possibilities. Here, indeed, we face a task so difficult that more and more people, including highly competent people, have resigned themselves to the inevitability of indefinitely continued inflation. I know in fact of no serious attempt to show how we can overcome these obstacles which lie not in the monetary but in the political field. And I cannot myself claim to have a patent medicine which I am sure is applicable and effective in the prevailing conditions. But I do not regard it as a task beyond the scope of human ingenuity once the urgency of the problem is generally understood. My main aim tonight is to bring out clearly why we must stop inflation if we are to preserve a viable society of free men. Once this urgent necessity is fully understood, I hope people will also gather the courage to grasp the hot irons which must be tackled if the political obstacles are to be removed and we are to have a chance of restoring a functioning market economy. In the elementary textbook accounts, and probably also in the public mind generally, only one harmful effect of inflation is seriously considered, that on the relations between debtors and creditors. Of course, an unforeseen depreciation of the value of money harms creditors and benefits debtors. This is important but by no means the most important effect of inflation. And since it is the creditors who are harmed and the debtors who benefit, most people do not particularly mind, at least until they realize that in modern society the most important and numerous class of creditors are the wage and salary earners and the small savers, and the representative groups of debtors who profit in the first instance are the enterprises and credit institutions. |
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Tuesday, 21 November 2006 |
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By Hernando de Soto, The Institute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD) CHAPTER 1: THE FIVE MYSTERIES OF CAPITAL
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The key problem is to find out why that sector of society of the past, which I would not hesitate to call capitalist, should have lived as if in a bell jar, cut off from the rest; why was it not able to expand and conquer the whole of society? ... [Why was it that] a significant rate of capital formation was possible only in certain sectors and not in the whole market economy of the time? Fernand Braudel, The Wheels of Commerce The hour of capitalism's greatest triumph is its hour of crisis. The fall of the Berlin Wall ended more than a century of political competition between capitalism and communism. Capitalism stands alone as the only feasible way to rationally organize a modern economy. At this moment in history, no responsible nation has a choice. As a result, with varying degrees of enthusiasm, Third World and former communist nations have balanced their budgets, cut subsidies, welcomed foreign investment, and dropped their tariff barriers. Their efforts have been repaid with bitter disappointment. From Russia to Venezuela, the past half-decade has been a time of economic suffering, tumbling incomes, anxiety, and resentment; of "starving, rioting, and looting," in the stinging words of Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad. In a recent editorial the "New York Times" said, "For much of the world, the marketplace extolled by the West in the afterglow of victory in the Cold War has been supplanted by the cruelty of markets, wariness toward capitalism, and dangers of instability." The triumph of capitalism only in the West could be a recipe for economic and political disaster. |
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Last Updated ( Thursday, 23 November 2006 )
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Tuesday, 21 November 2006 |
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First published in The Economists , 30 January 2003 TO BE the target of a terrorist campaign is not the usual fate of an economist. But Hernando de Soto is no ordinary practitioner of the dismal science. It was his pro-capitalist intellectual crusade against Shining Path terrorists in his native Peru that made him one of their top targets; he survived at least three attempts on his life. Those ideas, set out in his 1987 bestseller, “The Other Path”, may even have helped to turn the poor against the Shining Path, ensuring its defeat. What worked in Peru, he says, can work wherever terrorism now thrives. After the September 11th terrorist attacks, this message gained a new urgency. Mr de Soto was already increasingly influential with international policymakers, thanks to a second book, in 2000, entitled “The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else”. Now, he is everywhere. So far, over 20 government leaders—from Afghanistan to Mexico to Russia—have sought his counsel. This week alone he was championed by Bill Clinton at the World Economic Forum in Davos; and then he discussed development with Bono, a rock star, and Gordon Brown, Britain's chancellor of the exchequer. Mr de Soto is charismatic and sells his ideas energetically. But he is no mere talker. Besides Peru and El Salvador, which made reforms some years ago based on his ideas, Mr de Soto and his think-tank, Institute for Liberty and Democracy, have recently been working with the governments of Mexico, Egypt, the Philippines, Honduras and Haiti—which is expected to be the first of these countries to introduce new legislation in April. |
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Last Updated ( Tuesday, 21 November 2006 )
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Thursday, 28 September 2006 |
oleh Luthfi Assyaukanie Saya tidak tahu kapan mulanya dua istilah itu disandingkan dan didiskusikan secara bersamaan. Tapi, akhir-akhir ini banyak sekali pembicaraan tentang dua konsep itu. Umumnya, pembicaraan mengarah kepada satu penilaian, yakni bahwa fundamentalisme dan neoliberlisme merupakan ancaman bagi kehidupan manusia. Secara simplistik, ancaman itu diteriakkan dengan menciptakan slogan seperti "fundamentalisme agama dan fundamentalisme pasar." Fundamentalisme dan Neoliberalisme adalah dua kata yang berbeda. Keduanya bisa bertentangan dan bisa saling bertemanan. Secara umum, fundamentalisme berarti gerakan sosial-politik yang ingin mengembalikan suatu kondisi pada nilai-nilai yang asasi, yang fundamental. Kendati istilah ini bisa dikenakan kepada gerakan apa saja, tapi ia lebih sering disematkan kepada gerakan keagamaan. Dari sini kita mengenal istilah "Fundamentalisme Kristen," "Fundamentalisme Hindu," dan "Fundamentalisme Islam." Sementara itu, neoliberalisme adalah sebuah fenomena sosial-politik yang biasanya dialamatkan kepada sekelompok penguasa dan intelektual di Barat yang mendukung dan ingin menghidupakan kembali gagasan-gagasan liberalisme klasik. Neoliberalisme adalah kata lain dari "liberalisme baru." Neoliberalisme kerap dianggap sebagai pendukung pasar bebas, ekspansi modal, dan globalisasi. |
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Last Updated ( Friday, 13 October 2006 )
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Thursday, 21 September 2006 |
oleh: Adib Zalkapli ''Masyarakat dari segenap peringkat, daripada penggubal dasar sehingga rakyat jelata perlu faham dan mengetahui bahawa gagasan Islam liberal dan pluralisme ini sebenarnya sangat asing daripada kesejatian ajaran Islam itu sendiri." Kata-kata ini disampaikan oleh Mufti Perak Datuk Seri Harussani Zakaria semasa Muzakarah Ulama 2006, di Ipoh pada 11 Jun lalu, seperti yang dilaporkan akhbar Utusan Malaysia. Laporan itu dibuat di bawah tajuk, Fahaman Pluralisme mula menular kalangan terpelajar – Mufti. Menurut laporan itu lagi, Harussani memberikan maksud bahawa pluralisme bererti meletakkan semua agama sebagai sama. Buat Harussani, pluralisme – tidak wujud dalam agama Islam. Badan Bukan Kerajaan (NGO) Islam, juga tidak lari daripada mengambil pendirian menolak pluralisme. Presiden ABIM, Yusri Mohamad dalam ucapannya semasa muktamar pertubuhan itu 19 Ogos lalu dipetik Malaysiakini sebagai berkata, pluralisme perlu dibendung supaya tidak merosakkan masyarakat. "Fahaman ini telah menyerap ke dalam individu dan mempengaruhi seperti program kongsi raya dan berdoa bersama yang menjadi amalan masyarakat berbilang kaum di negara kita," kata Yusri seperti yang dilaporkan akhbar web itu. Persoalan pluralisme dan kewujudannya dalam tradisi Islam inilah, antara yang cuba dijawab buku Islam & Pluralisme; sebuah kompilasi rencana oleh para sarjana falsafah dan agama, antaranya Reza Shah-Kazemi, John Hick dan Hans Kung. |
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Last Updated ( Friday, 13 October 2006 )
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Monday, 14 August 2006 |
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oleh Luthfi Assyaukanie
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Sementara Perdana Menteri (PM) Malaysia, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, dianugerahkan gelar Doktor Horis Causa (Dr HC) oleh Universiti Negeri Islam (UIN), Jakarta, 24 Julai lalu, di Kuala Lumpur, sekitar 10.000 umat Islam yang menamakan diri kelompok anti-pemurtadan, melakukan perhimpunan meminta pemerintah mencanangkan undang-undang murtad. Ini adalah pemandangan yang kontras, karena penganugerahan gelar Doktor Abdullah Badawi adalah menyangkut gagasan "Islam Hadhari" dan dalam bidang "Pemikiran Islam." Dua peristiwa itu merefleksikan sebuah paradoks tentang konsep "Islam Hadhari" yang dicetuskan Pak Lah, panggilan Abdullah Badawi. Paradoks karena gagasan yang beranjak dari ide pencerahan dan kebebasan itu, kini justru dikuasai oleh kaum konservatif dan ortodoks di Malaysia. Dalam pidato penerimaannya sebagai Dr HC, Pak Lah mendefinisikan Islam Hadhari sebagai Islam yang mengusung gagasan kemajuan dan peradaban. Berbeda dari "Islam radikal" atau "Islam puritan," (puritan: orang yang menganggap kemewahan sebagai dosa). Islam Hadhari mencita-citakan masa depan Islam yang beradab, toleran, maju, dan kreatif. Model Islam Hadhari bukanlah Barat, bukan juga negara-negara Islam yang terobsesi dengan Ideologisasi agama seperti Iran dan Taliban, tapi masa lalu Islam ketika agama ini mencapai kejayaannya pada masa-masa abad ke7 hingga abad ke-13 M. |
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Last Updated ( Friday, 13 October 2006 )
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Tuesday, 26 September 2006 |
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oleh: Khalid Jaafar
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Saya mulakan perbicaraan ini dengan membuat pertimbangan kritis terhadap pandangan, bekas Ketua Hakim Negara, Tun Salleh Abbas. Saya menyanjung Tun Salleh dalam perjuangannya mempertahankan kebebasan institusi kehakiman dari cengkaman pihak eksekutif. Tetapi saya agak kritikal dan sangsi dengan beberapa aspek tafsiran beliau terhadap perlembagaan. Meskipun tafsiran beliau tatkala menjadi Ketua Hakim Negara mempunyai kekuatan undang-undang saya percaya Perlembagaan juga boleh ditafsirkan dari sudut-sudut lain, misalnya dari perspektif sejarah, dari sudut falsafah dan sebagainya. Perlembagaan Persekutuan adalah satu dokumen liberal. Maksud saya adalah: Perlembagaan Persekutuan ada buah atau hasil dari perjuangan liberal, iaitu perjuangan manusia untuk menamatkan, atau sekurang-kurangnya mengurangkan, kejahatan yang berpunca dari pemerintah. Dalam pemikiran liberal kerajaan atau pemerentahan adalah kejahatan yang perlu, necessary evil, Kata Thomas Paine dalam risalah yang bertajuk Common Sense: "Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness …. Society in every sense is a blessing, but government in its best state is but a necessary evil.” |
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Last Updated ( Thursday, 12 October 2006 )
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